At SCO Summit, Asia’s Newspapers See Multipolar Choreography, Local Stakes
When the leaders of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization gathered in Tianjin this week, it was meant to be a grand performance — and across Asia, newspapers described it as such. But while Chinese state media hailed the forum as a “new global order,” regional press from Indonesia to Thailand filtered the summit through their own domestic lenses: missed appearances, delicate balancing acts, and anxieties about how the bloc’s choreography fits into national interests.
Indonesia: Watching From the Sidelines
In Jakarta, headlines did not dwell on the rhetoric of “multipolarity” as much as on who showed up. President Prabowo Subianto did not. Instead, Foreign Minister Retno Sugiono led the Indonesian delegation, a fact highlighted in The Jakarta Post and CNN Indonesia, which noted that Prabowo “apologized to President Xi” for his absence. The gesture became the story: Indonesia was present, but symbolically a step removed .
Detik and Tempo carried wire reports on Vladimir V. Putin’s arrival and his warm handshake with Xi Jinping, but these sat alongside photogalleries of the Russian leader meeting Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. For many Indonesian outlets, the images of “old friends” mattered more than the text of speeches .
Still, the multipolar frame was not absent. Antara, the state news agency, carried Xinhua copy stressing Xi’s pledge of billions in grants and loans to SCO members, presented as China “injecting momentum” into development across Eurasia. Yet Indonesian readers were reminded that Jakarta remains outside the SCO’s core. “Participation through dialogue partner status,” one column observed, “means Indonesia watches more than it steers” .
Malaysia: Anwar’s Four-Day Turn
In Malaysia, the summit was cast less as spectacle and more as opportunity. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s four-day trip received blanket coverage. Bernama carried detailed schedules and his red-carpet arrival in Tianjin, while Free Malaysia Today highlighted his speech at the SCO+ session, where he called for “reform of multilateral institutions” and condemned the international community’s failure in Gaza .
The Star, meanwhile, leaned on wire copy stressing the anti-Western undertones of the gathering. One headline noted that Xi and Putin “took swipes at the West,” framing the SCO as a counterweight to U.S.-led blocs. At the same time, the paper relayed that Narendra Modi pressed Putin to end the war in Ukraine — a reminder that friction sat just beneath the smiles .
Financial pages seized on Xi’s announcement of 2 billion yuan in grants and 10 billion yuan in loans for SCO states, presented by Bernama as proof that China wants the SCO to become not only a security forum but also a development bank in embryo. “This is about money and mechanisms,” one editorial concluded, “and Malaysia wants to be inside the room” .
South Korea: Watching for Triangles
In Seoul, the SCO was read primarily through a triangular lens: Xi, Putin, and Kim Jong-un. South Korean media speculated whether the three would appear together in Beijing for China’s military parade, a tableau that would rattle Seoul and Washington alike. The Korea Times noted that even the possibility of such a photo-op “drew intense attention,” while the Korea Herald pointed to Kim’s arrival in Beijing and the likelihood of his presence at the parade .
Coverage of the summit itself leaned on international wires. Yonhap-fed reports highlighted Putin calling Xi his “dear friend” and praising relations as at an “unprecedented level.” Xi’s call for the SCO to “reject bullying” was repeated across outlets, often juxtaposed with Western skepticism. For South Korean readers, the SCO’s economic proposals mattered less than the visual of Russia, China, and North Korea closing ranks .
Thailand: Multipolarism Meets Caution
Bangkok’s papers reported the SCO summit with more detachment, framing it as a global event with ASEAN edges. The Bangkok Post led with Xi’s denunciation of “bullying” and covered the proposed SCO development bank. Khaosod English ran Associated Press copy on the bank proposal, noting that it could formalize the bloc’s economic ambitions .
But Thai commentary was not uncritical. Op-eds in The Nation weighed the risks of leaning too far toward Beijing, especially as India and China sought to reset ties. Coverage of the Modi–Xi thaw — agreement to restart direct flights and “manage disputes” — was reported with interest. “A China–India reset changes ASEAN’s space to maneuver,” one column argued .
At the same time, Thai outlets tracked who from Southeast Asia attended. Cambodia’s Hun Manet was in Tianjin; Myanmar also sent representation. The presence of neighbors gave Thai readers a sense of relevance: the SCO may be distant, but its pull is felt in the region .
Common Threads Across Asia
Despite differences of emphasis, regional coverage converged on several themes:
- The Optics Dominate. Whether it was Indonesia’s photogalleries of Putin, Malaysian reports of Anwar’s red-carpet welcome, or Korean speculation about a Xi–Putin–Kim image, the summit was described as theater as much as policy. The visuals — handshakes, smiles, military parades — carried the message.
- Xi’s “New Order” Framing. Across outlets, Xi’s pledge of loans, talk of a development bank, and denunciation of “bullying” were reported prominently. In Malaysia and Thailand, these were given headline treatment; in Indonesia and Korea, they arrived via wires but were still foregrounded .
- Ukraine Is the Fault Line. Modi’s quiet urging of Putin to end the war was carried in Kuala Lumpur and Bangkok alike. Indonesian media repeated Putin’s defense — blaming NATO provocations — but did not editorialize. None of the four countries endorsed his narrative; they simply reported it .
- ASEAN’s Place. In Indonesia, the story was Prabowo’s absence. In Malaysia, it was Anwar’s speech. In Thailand, it was Cambodian and Myanmar participation. Each country localized the summit by focusing on ASEAN’s role at the margins.
Between Parade and Summit
For all four, the SCO was understood as part of a two-act play. Act one was diplomacy in Tianjin: declarations, development pledges, and bloc-building. Act two would be Beijing’s military parade, with its goose-stepping soldiers and missile launchers.
South Korean and Thai newspapers made that linkage explicit, suggesting the summit was the diplomatic overture to the military spectacle. Indonesian and Malaysian outlets mentioned the parade as the backdrop but concentrated more on their own leaders’ participation.
A Regional Reading of Multipolarism
What emerges from this media sweep is not a single narrative but a mosaic of national vantage points. In Jakarta, the SCO is a stage Indonesia watches but does not headline. In Kuala Lumpur, it is an arena for Anwar to claim space. In Seoul, it is a potential axis of concern. In Bangkok, it is both opportunity and caution.
Together, they show how the SCO — once dismissed as a talking shop — now resonates across Asia. The resonance is uneven, filtered by national interests, but the coverage makes one thing clear: the choreography in Tianjin and Beijing was not aimed only at the West. It was also meant for regional neighbors, who are watching closely how China, Russia, and India present themselves as the nucleus of a new order.
