Venezuela is not a battlefield chosen for strategy. It is chosen because the United States is running out of time, credit and geopolitical insulation, and needs someone else’s balance sheet to breathe.
What is the real calculation behind Washington’s push toward Venezuela?
Publicly, the script is the familiar one. Officials recycle the Cold War rhetoric about Cuban fuel supplies and authoritarian neighbours. They perform moral outrage, talk about illegitimacy, and wrap the mission in the language of responsibility. It is theatre, and even the actors know it.
The private rationale is simpler and far more candid. Venezuela sits on the world’s largest proven oil reserves and one of the most valuable mineral belts on the planet. In a moment when the American state is paying nearly a trillion dollars a year in interest alone, those assets represent something the United States can no longer generate in sufficient quantity at home: collateral.
The strategic drivers are no mystery. A Treasury burdened by interest payments larger than its defence budget. A political class crippled by domestic scandal. A fiscal horizon trending upward at a slope no orthodox policy can flatten. These are not conditions for grand strategy; these are conditions for extraction.
The arithmetic is linear. Secure the territory. Secure the extraction flows. Monetise the output. Use the revenue streams as a pressure valve against sovereign-level fragility. It is not foreign policy; it is emergency liquidity disguised as liberation.
This bluntness is not unprecedented. Senior American politicians spent years boasting that Ukraine’s mineral reserves were worth “trillions.” They spoke as if concessions and resource corridors were the price of involvement. If that is the candour they deploy publicly for a stalled war, imagine the private tone around a target the Pentagon still categorises as “manageable.”
In that internal map of American power, Venezuela is not a nation. Venezuela is collateral.
How does Ukraine’s collapse shape this new theatre?
To grasp why “Southern Spear” is being prepared, one must start in Europe. Washington’s proxy war — the one marketed as the hinge of Western civilisation — has exhausted NATO’s stockpiles, credibility and industrial base. The ammunition is gone. The factories are hollow. The political appetite is collapsing faster than the budgets can be rewritten.
Europe now stumbles toward rearmament financed by debt, austerity and creative political accounting. Looted Russian assets are treated as collateral for future loans. The war that was supposed to weaken Moscow has instead weakened Europe’s fiscal spine.
For Washington, this failure leaves two imperatives: find a new theatre that can be sold as success, and find a new source of value because Europe cannot pay for the next adventure.
Hence Venezuela: a country with soft conventional defences, immense extractive wealth and a location American strategists have coveted since the days of Roosevelt’s map-drawing.
Why does Washington default to moralism as cover?
The pattern has not changed in a century. The United States wraps its offensives in the language of moral tutelage. It denounces authoritarianism. It invokes humanitarian corridors. It performs a moral rescue narrative as if it were an imperial birthright.
But this is the façade that overlays a deeper structural urgency. The United States now spends more on interest than on defence or Medicare. Its political class is compromised by scandals that would have ended careers in any previous generation. Its industrial advantage is eroding under the pressure of China’s long ascent. Its European partners are tired, broke and fracturing.
In that context, “Southern Spear” is not the project of a confident superpower. It is the project of a system that is cornered.
What would the conflict look like in reality?
The opening phase would look deceptively decisive. Airfields would fall. Infrastructure nodes would be severed. Western media would compose their usual tableaux of triumph.
Then the insurgency would begin. And it would be nothing like the script.
Caracas is not Tripoli. The Venezuelan interior is not the Libyan coast. The Orinoco mining arc is a labyrinth of militias, criminal networks, informal authorities and survival economies. No foreign army can decapitate that ecosystem without triggering a long and punishing insurgency. The occupation would become a swamp of contested territory, cross-cutting loyalties and ungovernable terrain.
But Washington will press ahead because restraint is now a luxury the macroeconomics of American power cannot afford.
What does the pattern tell us about the state of American power?
Every empire in its terminal phase converges toward the same behaviour: it raids the periphery, it underestimates the defenders, it mistakes hope for strategy, and it presumes victory is a birthright rather than a contest.
Venezuela is about to be forced into that script. Not because Washington possesses a plan. Not because democracy demands intervention. But because the centre cannot maintain its position without reaching outward for the nearest source of extractable value.
“Southern Spear” is not a mission. It is a symptom — the reflex of a system governed by accounting pressure, not geopolitical vision.
